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Niente classi a metà: La ministra cambia il piano per la scuola, di Eleonora Capelli e Carmelo Lopapa; La scuola non ci sta: "Senza certezze sulla riapertura pronti a occupare", di Valeria Strambi; Azzolina sotto assedio poi il governo la soccorre. "Ma servono soldi in più", di Annalisa Cuzzocrea; A lezione da Calamandrei, di Francesco Bei; Scuola, i nostri ragazzi e la sciatteria della ministra Azzolina, di Chiara Saraceno; La scuola in terapia intensiva, di Massimo Recalcati.

Crisi e lavoro, giovani a rischio: Stagionali, casalinghe e professionisti. Sos dalla Caritas: 130 mila nuovi poveri, di Maria Novella De Luca; Manuale d'uso per comprendere il nuovo mondo, di Michele Ainis; Generazione Covid, i giovani pagano la crisi, di Marco Patucchi, Marco Bettazzi, Antonio Fraschilla, Salvatore Giuffrida, Andrea Vivaldi; La rete bucata dei centri per l'impiego che costa 1,5 miliardi, di Valentina Conte; Salvare il lavoro dei giovani, di Tito Boeri.

Til overraskelse for mange er arbejderklassen stadig langt den største klasse i Danmark. 41 procent er faglærte og ufaglærte med almindelige job. Og 21 procent af danskerne i den erhvervsaktive alder står langvarigt uden for arbejdsmarkedet. Det er kun 1,6 %, der tilhører overklassen: selvstændige, topledere og nøglemedarbejdere med indkomster over 1,2 million. Men det er dem, der bestemmer på de store arbejdspladser, i kultur og medier og generelt i samfundslivet.

Finanskrise, klimaforandringer og voksende social og økonomisk ulighed har de seneste år fået stadig flere til at sætte spørgsmålstegn ved den kapitalistiske økonomi. Samtidig er socialistiske idéer om en demokratisering af økonomien igen sat på dagsordenen. Men hvordan kan økonomien styres mere demokratisk? Hvad betyder det at demokratisere ejerskabet, og hvem skal egentlig eje virksomheder og banker? Hvilken rolle skal markedsmekanismer spille? Og hvordan skaber vi en økonomi, der sikrer mest mulig frihed og indflydelse for den enkelte.

Nadie esperaba mucho de ellos. Todos - políticos y sociólogos, analistas y politólogos - daban a los mayores españoles por amortizados y semienterrados. Habían sacado la cabeza entre las mareas de indignación que nos visitan de manera periódica, sobre todo desde el 11-M - los famosos yayoflautas - pero nadie esperaba que su función fuera más allá de la de meros comparsas.

Deutschland am Wendepunkt: Wie lässt sich die zunehmende Spaltung der Gesellschaft verhindern? Wir befinden uns in einer historisch einmaligen Situation. Die Corona-Pandemie verändert unser Land grundlegend - und sie zeigt uns in aller Schärfe, was gut und was schlecht ist. Viele Menschen befürchten, dass sich die Ungleichheit in Deutschland durch Corona weiter vertiefen wird. Mit der fortschreitenden Privatisierung des Sozialstaates vollzieht sich seit Langem eine immer rasantere soziale Spaltung des Landes.

In den Jahren 2020 und 2021, der Zeit der Covid-19-Pandemie, ereignete sich ein bemerkenswertes Schauspiel. Während der weitaus größte Teil der Menschen Empathie mit den Schwachen und besonders Gefährdeten zeigte, entpflichtete sich eine Minderheit davon und rebellierte gegen die staatlichen Maßnahmen zum Schutz der Gesundheit aller Bürger. Für Richard David Precht ein Anlass, darüber nachzudenken, was eigentlich die Pflicht des Fürsorge- und Vorsorgestaates gegenüber seinen Bürgern ist und was die Pflicht seiner Bürger.

Più armi uguale più sicurezza. Un'equazione trasformata in slogan, una convinzione che ha spinto il 40 per cento degli italiani ad affermare che si sentirebbe più sicuro con una pistola in casa. Più armi uguale più femminicidi. Ecco un'altra equazione, ma questo non è uno slogan, è la semplice constatazione di una tragica realtà. Una pistola è costruita per sparare, per ferire o uccidere. O anche per uccidersi. Luca Di Bartolomei, figlio di Agostino, famoso calciatore che venticinque anni fa si suicidò con una Smith & Wesson 38 acquistata credendo di proteggere la sua famiglia.

Episodi di sangue, violenza e intrighi da cui emerge il potere devastante della camorra. Protagonisti delle storie non sono soltanto i boss e i loro sicari alle prese con omicidi, stragi ed esecuzioni brutali, ma anche personaggi della società civile che hanno pagato un prezzo altissimo nel tentativo di opporsi alla logica della violenza e dell'illegalità: in questo libro si parla di gente perbene, vittime innocenti, poliziotti corrotti, killer pentiti, preti dalla doppia vita, politici collusi, eroi mancati, martiri ammazzati nell'indifferenza generale.

Catherine Coleman Flowers grew up in Lowndes County, Alabama, a place that’s been called “Bloody Lowndes” because of its violent, racist history. Once the epicenter of the voting rights struggle, today it’s Ground Zero for a new movement that is Flowers’s life’s work. It’s a fight to ensure human dignity through a right most Americans take for granted: basic sanitation. Too many people, especially the rural poor, lack an affordable means of disposing cleanly of the waste from their toilets, and, as a consequence, live amid filth.

Debtors have been mocked, scolded, and lied to for decades. We have been told that it is perfectly normal to go into debt to get medical care, to go to school, or even to pay for our own incarceration. We’ve been told there is no way to change an economy that pushes the majority into debt while a small minority hoard wealth and power. The coronavirus pandemic has revealed that mass indebtedness and extreme inequality are a political choice. In the early days of the crisis, elected officials drew up plans to spend trillions of dollars. The only question was: who would benefit?

We told women that to break glass ceilings and succeed in their careers, all they needed to do is dream big, raise their hands, and lean in. But data tells a different story. Historic numbers of women left their jobs in 2021, resulting in their lowest workforce participation since 1988. Women’s unemployment rose to nearly fifteen percent, and globally women lost over $800 billion in wages. Fifty-one percent of women say that their mental health has declined, while anxiety and depression rates have skyrocketed.

Prohibition has long been portrayed as a "noble experiment" that failed, a newsreel story of glamorous gangsters, flappers, and speakeasies. Now at last Lisa McGirr dismantles this cherished myth to reveal a much more significant history. Prohibition was the seedbed for a pivotal expansion of the federal government, the genesis of our contemporary penal state. Her deeply researched, eye-opening account uncovers patterns of enforcement still familiar today: the war on alcohol was waged disproportionately in African American, immigrant, and poor White communities.

In May 1970, four days after Kent State, construction workers chased students through downtown Manhattan, beating scores of protesters bloody. As hardhats clashed with hippies, it soon became clear that something larger was underway - Democrats were at war with themselves. In The Hardhat Riot, David Paul Kuhn tells the fateful story of when the white working class first turned against liberalism, when Richard Nixon seized the breach, and America was forever changed.

The huge prison buildup of the past four decades has few defenders, yet reforms to reduce the numbers of those incarcerated have been remarkably modest. Meanwhile, an ever-widening carceral state has sprouted in the shadows, extending its reach far beyond the prison gate. It sunders families and communities and reworks conceptions of democracy, rights, and citizenship - posing a formidable political and social challenge. In Caught, Marie Gottschalk examines why the carceral state remains so tenacious in the United States.

Orphans of Empire tells the story of what happened to the thousands of children who were raised at the London Foundling Hospital, Coram's brainchild, which opened in 1741 and grew to become the most famous charity in Georgian England. It provides vivid insights into the lives and fortunes of London's poorest children, from the earliest days of the Foundling Hospital to the mid-Victorian era, when Charles Dickens was moved by his observations of the charity's work to campaign on behalf of orphans.

While certainly flawed in many aspects - the New Deal was implemented by a Democratic Party still beholden to the segregationist South for its majorities in Congress and the Electoral College - the New Deal was instated at a time of mass unemployment and the rise of fascistic government models and functioned as a bulwark of American democracy in hard times. This book looks at how this legacy, both for good and ill, informs the current debates around governmental responses to crises.

The American dream of equal opportunity is in peril. America's economic inequality is shocking, poverty threatens to become a heritable condition, and our healthcare system is crumbling despite ever increasing costs. In this thought-provoking book, Edward D. Kleinbard demonstrates how the failure to acknowledge the force of brute luck in our material lives exacerbates these crises leading to warped policy choices that impede genuine equality of opportunity for many Americans.

This book is about "the least among us", and the extraordinary power of grassroots leaders who are transforming the lives of forgotten men and women in the most toxic neighborhoods. The strategies they applied in healing the most desperate communities also hold the key to healing our divided and empty nation today. From the lessons he has learned from witnessing the work of committed neighborhood leaders, Robert Woodson has gleaned 10 fundamental principles.

We live in a moment when the greatest act of love is to stay distant from the object of your affection. When governments renowned for ruthless cuts in public spending can suddenly conjure up trillions. When toilet paper becomes a commodity as precious as diamonds. And when, according to Slavoj Žižek, a new form of communism - the outlines of which can already be seen in the very heartlands of neoliberalism - may be the only way of averting a descent into global barbarism.