検索キーワード： 歴史・理論

Twenty-five years ago, Neil Howe and the late William Strauss dazzled the world with a provocative new theory of American history. Looking back at the last 500 years, they’d uncovered a distinct pattern: modern history moves in cycles, each one lasting roughly 80 to 100 years, the length of a long human life, with each cycle composed of four eras—or “turnings”—that always arrive in the same order and each last about 25 years. The last of these eras—the fourth turning—was always the most perilous, a period of civic upheaval and national mobilization.

What does it mean to call something "new"? Why is Western art and culture, even after postmodernism, still so obsessed with the concept? What are the consequences of relying on culture to bring about social change? In this provocative book, David Balzer argues that Western culture was never designed to produce truly new or original artifacts. Rather, we move from fixation to fixation, trend to trend—a cycle of creation and destruction with deep origins in Judeo-Christianity and the paganism that preceded it.

Appréhender l’œuvre et la pensée de Machiavel n’est pas un exercice facile, tant l’ombre du machia-vélisme plane au-dessus d’elles. De ces fables, l’auteur nous invite à nous départir afin d’accéder à la pensée politique de l’humaniste et chancelier de Florence, Niccolò Machiavelli et aux conditions de sa formation. Ainsi nous découvrons l’homme Machiavel, soucieux de se mettre au service de la Sei-gneurie de Florence et se lamentant des divers revers de fortune.

Dos de los pensadores más influyentes de la actualidad reflexionan en este fascinante diálogo sobre el valor de la igualdad en todos los ámbitos. Thomas Piketty y Michael J. Sandel abordan aquí temas que abarcan la economía, la filosofía y la historia, y valoran cuánto hemos avanzado en la lucha por lograr una mayor igualdad entre las personas de todo el mundo. Al mismo tiempo, afrontan las profundas divisiones que aún persisten a causa de la desigual riqueza, el mal uso del poder y el deseo de estatus y muestran tanto sus acuerdos como sus discrepancias.

Do any of us really care about truth when it comes to politics? Should we? In a world of big lies, denialism, and conspiracy theories, democracies are experiencing two interlocked crises: a loss of confidence in democracy itself and the growing sense among many that politics is only about power—not truth. In this book, Michael Patrick Lynch argues that truth not only can—but must—matter in politics. He shows why truth is an essential democratic value—a value we need to sustain our democratic way of life—and how it can be strengthened.

■映像はすべてを語っていた■JFK暗殺から60年、アメリカ史そのものを問う！■なぜアメリカの大統領暗殺の真相を隠さねばならなかったのか？

Die Neunziger als Schlüsseljahrzehnt unserer Gegenwart und Zukunft. In den neunziger Jahren wurde die Welt geschaffen, in der wir immer noch leben - und die gerade krachend kollabiert. Dagegen setzt dieses Buch kämpferischen Optimismus. Ziel ist es, die Geschichte dieser Dekade zu nutzen, nicht zur Abrechnung, sondern zur Aufklärung. Denn darum geht es: Wir müssen wieder trainieren, in Alternativen zu denken. Wir müssen die Möglichkeiten erkennen, die in jedem Krisenmoment vorhanden sind. Wir müssen wieder an unsere Handlungsfähigkeit glauben, als Einzelne, in der Gemeinschaft, als Demokratie.

Todd McGowan forges a new theory of capitalism as a system based on the production of more than what we need: pure excess. He argues that the promise of more wealth, more enjoyment, more opportunity, without requiring any sacrifice is the essence of capitalism. Previous socioeconomic systems set up some form of the social good as their focus. Capitalism, however, represents a revolutionary turn away from the good and the useful toward excessive growth, which now threatens the habitability of the planet.

North Carolina represents a perfect distillation of the promise and peril of modern American democracy: hyperpartisanship, gerrymandering, dissatisfaction with the two-party system, the urban-rural divide—these issues are all brought into sharp relief in the Tar Heel State. For that reason, North Carolina politics and government are increasingly of interest not just to North Carolina citizens but to journalists, political observers, and people across the country.

In 2016, the United States was stunned by evidence of Russian meddling in the US presidential elections. But it shouldn't have been. Subversion—domestic interference to undermine or manipulate a rival—is as old as statecraft itself. The basic idea would have been familiar to Sun Tzu, Thucydides, Elizabeth I, or Bismarck. It came as a surprise in 2016 because the sole superpower had fallen asleep at the wheel. But what's really new? Have we entered a new age of vulnerability?

Gough Whitlam: charismatic, inspirational, a trailblazer. There has been no one like him in our nation's public life - a dynamic and visionary leader determined to modernise Australia, who ushered in a new era and left a lasting legacy. But Whitlam's immense self-belief, mistakes and misjudgements, blunders and blind spots were truly Shakespearean and help explain his downfall.

Российская государственность и внешнеполитическая стратегия появились не вдруг и не по воле конкретного властителя или правящей династии. У них не было одного автора-демиурга, они – результат череды усилий, вереницы сменявших друг друга побед и неудач. Борьба с даннической зависимостью от Золотой Орды постепенно перетекла в наступление на прежних захватчиков, а отражение крестоносной агрессии на Балтике незаметно сменилось уже русским давлением на западных соседей. Разделить хронологически эти этапы международных отношений Русских земель практически невозможно, но к концу XV в.

The Middle East is in upheaval: a widening chasm between state and society, the failure of governing elites to address citizens' genuine grievances, massive economic mismanagement—all made worse by repeated interventions by Western powers. Why has political change been so difficult to achieve? In The Great Betrayal, Fawaz Gerges argues that the convergence of political authoritarianism, meddling by the West, and the effects of prolonged regional conflicts have produced political paralysis and economic stagnation.

Nach der vorgezogenen Bundestagswahl geht es an die Regierungsbildung, zu der die FDP, die die Ampel-Koalition letztlich zum Platzen gebracht hat, wahrscheinlich nicht mehr gebraucht wird. Aber was ist mit den Grünen, deren klimaneutral moralisierende Besserwisserei mit Hang zum Staatsdirigismus längst zur Bedrohung des Wirtschaftsstandorts Deutschland geworden war? Gar mit der SPD, die eben noch gar nicht wusste, wo ihr der Kopf steht und ihn deshalb in den Treibsand vergangener Klassenkampfzeiten steckte?

Partisanship is a dirty word in American politics. If there is one issue on which almost everyone in our divided country seems to agree, it’s the belief that the intense loyalty within the electorate toward Democrats and Republicans is the source of our democratic ills—division, dysfunction, distrust, and disinformation. The possibilities that responsible partisanship can offer were at the heart of an important intellectual tradition that flourished in the 1950s and 1960s, one which was institutionalized through a sweeping set of congressional reforms in the 1970s and 1980s.

In Can Deliberation Cure the Ills of Democracy?, James S. Fishkin argues that deliberative democracy can have surprisingly positive effects on all of these problems and charts a unique path to fixing them with his method of Deliberative Polling. After decades of applying and perfecting the methods of deliberative democracy in countries all over the world, this book synthesizes the results of 150 applications and shows how the method can be applied to resolve many of democracy's seemingly intractable challenges. It can clarify the public will and depolarize our divisions.

Check 'learning the Constitution, its stories and its people’ off your list while feeding your political brain! As citizens of this great country, we should know all about our own national owners’ manual — The Constitution. Discover the history leading up to its creation, the struggles, the arguments and the “behind the scenes” perspective, all organized in a “walk through” format following the structure of the primary text.

When Richard Nixon battled for the presidency in 1968, he did so with the knowledge that, should he win, he would face the looming question of how to extract the United States from its disastrous war in Vietnam. It was on a beach that summer that Nixon disclosed to his chief aide, HR Haldeman, one of his most notorious, risky gambits: the madman theory. In On Nixon's Madness, Zachary Jonathan Jacobson examines the enigmatic president through this theory of Nixon's own invention.

Drawing on extensive interviews with abolitionist crews all over North America, Herzing and Piché provide a collective reconstruction of what the grassroots movement to abolish prisons actually is, what initiatives it has launched, how it organizes itself, and how its protagonists build the day-to-day practice of politics. Listeners sit in on the Winnipeg rideshares of Bar None and the meetings of the Chicago Community Bail Fund as they assess the utility of politicized mutual aid.

The left views alienation as something to be resisted or overcome, but could it actually form the basis of our emancipation? In Embracing Alienation, Todd McGowan offers a completely different take on alienation, claiming that the effort to overcome it is not a radical response to the current state of things but a failure to see the constitutive power of alienation for all of us. Instead of trying to overcome alienation and accede to an unalienated existence, it argues, we should instead redeem alienation as an existential and political program.