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In the face of the most perilous challenges of our time—climate change, terrorism, poverty, and trafficking of drugs, guns, and people—the nations of the world seem paralyzed.

The problems are too big, too interdependent, too divisive for the nation-state. Is the nation-state, once democracy's best hope, today democratically dysfunctional? Obsolete? The answer, says Benjamin Barber in this highly provocative and original book, is yes.

In his book, Governor Rick Perry of Texas provides a basis for viewing the states of the US as equivalent to the EU's member-states. All of these states are semi-sovereign, as they have all transferred some governmental sovereignty to federal institutions. This implies that the EU and US are commensurate. I subject these inferences to critique in my booklet on American and European federalism.

As Reeves shows, the growing separation between the upper middle class and everyone else can be seen in family structure, neighborhoods, attitudes, and lifestyle. Those at the top of the income ladder are becoming more effective at passing on their status to their children, reducing overall social mobility. The result is not just an economic divide but a fracturing of American society along class lines. Upper-middle-class children become upper-middle-class adults.

This collection of essays suggests that the EU and US are both cases of modern federalism at the empire political-level and scale.

Wachstum und Wohlstand sollen in Deutschland endlich wieder langfristig gesichert werden. Doch wie soll das gehen? Dr. Günter Rommel plädiert in seinem Werk "Zukunftsmodell Deutschland - Was wir von Amerika und Japan lernen können" dafür, umfassende Strukturveränderungen der deutschen Wirtschaft vorzunehmen. Hierbei wird ein historischer Vergleich zwischen Deutschland, den USA und Japan hinzugezogen, und es wird ein Modell entwickelt, das die Stärken der japanischen und der amerikanischen Wirtschaft vereint.

Varje vecka kommer en rykande färsk intervju med en omdebatterad kändis. En utmärkt kompass för dagens invecklade politiska klimat! Mauricio Rojas har alltid varit lite av en politisk outcast. Hans begrepp "utanförskapsområden" har blivit till politisk skåpmat vid det här laget, men tidigare i sin karriär var han en kontroversiell debattör. Så till den grad att han tvingades flytta utomlands. Hur ser han själv på det samtida politiska klimatet i Sverige? Vad tänker han om valet? Fredagsintervjun är en politiskt obunden podcast som i varje avsnitt intervjuar en aktuell kändis.

Was kann ein Rätoromane tun, um Europäer zu werden? In seinem neuen, geistreichen und anschaulichen Hörbuch umspielt Iso Camartin dieses Thema auf eine erzählerische und unterhaltsame Art, indem er anhand von Porträts und von Betrachtungen über Orte, Dinge, Wörter und Gebräuche Lebenswelten und Lebenseinstellungen plastisch werden lässt. Ein kluges, lichtes und heiteres Hörbuch über europäische Lebenskunst. Iso Camartin wurde am 24. März 1944 als Sohn rätoromanischsprachiger Eltern in der Schweiz geboren.

Where now are three circles which defined the United Kingdom’s position in the world - the special relationship with the USA, leadership of the Commonwealth, and membership of the European Union? What did membership of the European Union really mean and did Britain really understand what it had signed up to? The national narrative has gone and its destruction is hugely damaging to the institutions which embodied it. Whatever the outcome of Brexit, Britain will have to develop one new narrative from the three mainly fictitious circles of the past.

The United States is the world's leading foreign aid donor. Yet there has been little inquiry into how such assistance affects the politics and societies of recipient nations. Jessica Trisko Darden challenges long-standing ideas about aid and its consequences, and highlights key patterns in the relationship between assistance and violence. She persuasively demonstrates that many of the foreign aid policy challenges the US faced in the Cold War era, such as the propping up of dictators friendly to US interests, remain salient today.

The Electoral College that governs America has been with us since 1804, when Thomas Jefferson's supporters redesigned it for his re-election. The Jeffersonians were motivated by the principle of majority rule. Gone were the days when a president would be elected by acclamation, as George Washington had been. Instead, given the emergence of intense two-party competition, the Jeffersonians wanted to make sure that the Electoral College awarded the presidency to the candidate of the majority, rather than minority, party.

At the same time that the Civil Rights Movement brought increasing opportunities for blacks, the United States liberalized its immigration policy. While the broadening of the United States's borders to non-European immigrants fits with a black political agenda of social justice, recent waves of immigration have presented a dilemma for blacks, prompting ambivalent or even negative attitudes toward migrants. What has an expanded immigration regime meant for how blacks express national attachment?

As the voting public continues to diversify across the United States, political candidates, and particularly white candidates, increasingly recognize the importance of making appeals to voters who do not look like themselves. As history has shown, this has been accomplished with varying degrees of success. During the 2016 election, for example, both Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders campaigned vociferously among Latino voters in Nevada's early primary, where 19 percent of the Democratic caucus consisted of Latinos.

While people used to conceal the fact that they were gay or lesbian to protect themselves from stigma and discrimination, it is now commonplace for people to "come out" and encourage others to do so as well. Come Out, Come Out, Whoever You Are systematically examines how coming out has moved beyond gay and lesbian rights groups and how different groups wrestle with the politics of coming out in their efforts to resist stigma and enact social change. It shows how different experiences and disparate risks of disclosure shape these groups' collective strategies.

During the final three years of the Obama administration, Richard Stengel, the former editor of Time magazine and an Under Secretary of State, was the single person in government tasked with unpacking, disproving, and combating both ISIS's messaging and Russian disinformation. Then, in 2016, as the presidential election unfolded, Stengel watched as Donald Trump used disinformation himself, weaponizing the grievances of Americans who felt overlooked. In fact, Stengel quickly came to see how all three players had used the same playbook: ISIS sought to make Islam great again....

When Chelsea Manning was arrested in May 2010 for leaking massive amounts of classified Army and diplomatic documents to WikiLeaks, she was almost immediately profiled by the mainstream press as a troubled person. Insurgent Truth argues for seeing Manning's example differently: as an act of what the book terms "outsider truth-telling." Bringing Manning's truth-telling into conversation with democratic, feminist, and queer theory, the book argues that outsider truth-tellers such as Manning tell or enact unsettling truths from a position of social illegibility.

Negative campaigning is a central component of politics in the United States. Yet, until now, demonstrating the impact of combative advertising on voters has been elusive. How can we reconcile the findings of a plethora of studies with the methods of politicians? This book cuts through to the central issue: how negative advertising influences voters' attitudes and actions. Focusing on US senatorial campaigns, Kim Fridkin and Patrick Kenney draw from surveys, experiments, facial expression analysis, content analyses, and focus groups.

In The End of Power, award-winning columnist and former Foreign Policy editor Moisés Naím illuminates the struggle between once-dominant megaplayers and the new micropowers challenging them in every field of human endeavor. Drawing on provocative, original research and a lifetime of experience in global affairs, Naím explains how the end of power is reconfiguring our world.

Based on a review of research literature from sociology, organizational psychology, and behavioral economics, this audiobook develops a theory of consent generation and distinguishes three groups of consent-producing mechanisms: socialization, incentive mechanisms, and participation and interest representation.

The year 2020 will mark the 100th anniversary of the Nineteenth Amendment, which gave many women in the United States the right to vote. The struggle for suffrage lasted over six decades and involved more than a million women; yet, even at the moment of the amendment's enactment, women's activists disagreed heartily over how much had been achieved, whether it was necessary for women to continue organizing for political rights, and what those political rights would bring.

The Southern Strategy is traditionally understood as a Goldwater and Nixon-era effort by the Republican Party to win over disaffected white voters in the Democratic stronghold of the American South. To realign these voters with the GOP, the party abandoned its past support for civil rights and used racially coded language to capitalize on southern white racial angst. However, that decision was but one in a series of decisions the GOP made not just on race, but on feminism and religion as well, in what Angie Maxwell and Todd Shields call the "Long Southern Strategy."